Category: Opinion

A decade ago, breaking news in Pakistan belonged to television studios. Today it belongs to whoever posts first on social media. This democratisation has been genuinely empowering: citizen journalists have exposed stories that newsrooms missed, and marginalised voices have found audiences.

But the same architecture that empowers also endangers. A rumour can travel across WhatsApp groups faster than any newsroom can verify it, and the consequences — mob violence, market panic, communal tension — are not theoretical. Pakistan has seen all three.

The core problem is economic as much as ethical. Outrage and sensationalism are rewarded by engagement algorithms; careful verification is not. Digital creators who chase virality learn quickly that a shocking claim outperforms a corrected one.

Traditional media is not blameless either. The race to match social media’s speed has led established outlets to air unverified footage and unconfirmed casualty figures, eroding the very trust that distinguishes them from anonymous accounts.

What would maturity look like? First, a norm that being second but right beats being first but wrong — and audiences that reward it. Second, transparent corrections: digital outlets should correct errors as visibly as they published them. Third, media literacy in schools, so the next generation treats forwarded messages with scepticism.

Regulation has a role, but a limited one. Heavy-handed controls risk silencing the same citizen voices that make digital media valuable. The better path is co-regulation: clear standards developed with journalists and platforms, enforced transparently.

Pakistan’s digital public sphere is still young. Its direction is not fixed. If creators, platforms and audiences choose accuracy over virality, the microphone that everyone now holds can become an instrument of accountability rather than chaos.

Every few years, Pakistan finds itself in the same conversation: a balance-of-payments scare, an IMF programme, a round of belt-tightening, and then a sigh of relief until the cycle repeats. The pattern is familiar because its causes have never been fully addressed.

The most honest diagnosis starts with exports. An economy of over 240 million people cannot sustainably live on remittances and borrowing. Export diversification — beyond textiles into IT services, agriculture value-addition and light engineering — is not a slogan; it is the only durable route to foreign-exchange stability.

The second fault line is the tax base. When a narrow slice of the formal economy carries the fiscal burden while large sectors remain outside the net, the state is forced into indirect taxation that hits ordinary consumers hardest. Broadening the base, fairly and transparently, is a political challenge more than a technical one.

Energy pricing is the third test. Circular debt in the power sector is ultimately a governance failure: losses, theft and mispricing accumulate into a burden the treasury cannot carry. Cost-reflective tariffs hurt in the short run, but the alternative — an insolvent energy chain — hurts far more.

None of this argues against relief for the vulnerable. Targeted support for low-income households during adjustment is both humane and economically sensible. What it argues against is the habit of treating relief as reform — announcing subsidies while postponing the structural fixes that would make subsidies unnecessary.

There are genuine bright spots: a young workforce, a growing IT export segment, and an agricultural base that could do far more with better water management and value chains. Policy should bet on these strengths rather than on the next short-term inflow.

The economy’s future will not be decided by any single budget or programme. It will be decided by whether Pakistan’s policymakers can sustain reforms beyond the point where they become politically uncomfortable. That is the real test — and it is still ahead.